Tempo Timor Online

Dili, Tempo Semanal - Sekretariu Estadu ba Asuntus Veteranus, Julio Meta Mali deklara beibeik ona katak ninia parte hetan ona rate, Saudozu eis Presidenti Nicolao Dos reis lobato ninian. Ema balun kaer b alia fuan Sekretariu Estadu Meta mali hodi halo isu iha media social dehan wainhira Presidenti SBY to’o iha Dili sei lori ho restu saudozu Nicolao Lobato ninian mai.


Meta Mali iha momentu balun husu atu jornal Tempo Semanal labele publika lai detallus no retratu ba rate ne’ebe deskonfia hanesan rate saudozu Nicolao Lobato ninian iha kalibata.


Publika iha Nasional

WNI Antusias Ikut Pilpres Di Timor-Leste

Dili, Tempo Semanal - Pemilihan Umum calon presiden dan wakil presiden republik indonesia periode 2014-2019 yang diselenggarakan di kedutaan besar republik indonesia (kbri) untuk timor leste diselenggarakan hari ini di dili berlangsung tertib dan aman, sabtu (5/07).


Menurut pemantaun masyarakat Indonesia yang ada di Timor-Leste berantusias ikut memilih presiden RI.


Publika iha Politika

Tempo Semanal, Dili - Prezidente Repúblika Taur Matan Ruak Tersa-feira (25/03), simu visita husi família matebian jornalista Indonézia, Agus Muliawan, ne'ebé milisia pro-Indonesia oho iha distrítu Lautem, fulan Setembru 1999.


Hafoin sorumutu ho Xefe Estadu, matebian nia maun,  Wirianto hatete katak nia sente kontente tanba bele iha oportunidade hasoru diretamente ho Prezidente Repúblika.


Publika iha Nasional

Agio Pereira,  Minister of State and of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers andOfficial Spokesperson for the Government of Timor-Leste

East Timor became known worldwide because of Indonesian invasion and occupation in 1975. Through the United Nations and solidarity movements around the world, mainly made up of concerned citizens of various countries, the situation in the territory became one of the biggest problems confronted by the most powerful of East Asian countries, the Republic of Indonesia.  This led the late Indonesian Foreign Minister, Ali Alatas, to describe the East Timor situation as the sharp stone in Indonesian shoes. This sharp stone was removed on the 30 August 1999 when, under the auspices of the United Nations, a referendum was held to decide on the future of the territory. At this referendum, the vast majority of the people of East Timor voted for independence. This vote took place soon after the late President Suharto stood away from the helm of Indonesia and replaced by his Vice President Habibie. A new era began, not only for East Timor, but also for Indonesia. And so, almost at the same time, both East Timor and Indonesia began their path towards liberal democracy, with the difference being that East Timor had to start by building, from scratch, all the institutions required to successfully run a sovereign Nation-State.

On independence, Timor-Leste became the official name for East Timor. This name was adopted on May 20, 2002, with the decision by the members of the Constituent Assembly established under the United Nations Transition Administration for East Timor (UNTAET). This decision was duly reflected in the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. The rationale behind this name-change was that unlike ‘East Timor’, Timor-Leste would not be a reference to being the eastern side of the island of Timor, but that it would rather define a State, the sovereign territory of a Nation, which encompasses the main land and the islands of Jaco and Ataúro, as well as the enclave of Oecussi, which is in West Timor and surrounded by Indonesian territory. In terms of territory the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (DRTL), Section 4 of its Constitution clearly defines that the territory of the State of the DRTL 


“comprises the land surface, the maritime zone and the air space demarcated by the national boundaries that historically comprise the eastern part of Timor Island, the enclave of Oecussi, the island of Ataúro and the islet of Jaco.”  And “The extent and limits of territorial waters and the exclusive economic zone, and the rights of East Timor to the adjacent seabed and continental shelf shall be laid down in the law.” Furthermore, “The State shall not alienate any part of the East Timorese territory or the rights of sovereignty over the land, without prejudice to rectification of borders.” 


The name change took place to make it clear that the sovereign State of Timor-Leste encompasses all the space which historically proven to be part of Timor-Leste and does not allow for alienation of any of its part. In addition, name change also came in with the new hope; the hope to succeed in the complex process of consolidating independence, bearing in mind that sovereign countries cannot survive only with national flags, currency and a national anthem. The leadership of Timor-Leste was profoundly conscious about these challenges; the complex challenge of peacebuilding, which is to be followed by statebuilding, particularly within a post-conflict context. Consolidating independence means, above all, being able to nurture a State with the capacity to protect national sovereignty as well as to care for its citizens. 

As Timor-Leste began its first steps as a sovereign Nation-State on May 20 of 2002, its very first embryonic institutions began to see the light, with mammoth tasks and responsibilities ahead. In the same way that the Carnation Revolution of Portugal on 25 April 1974 allowed democratic space for colonised peoples to find their own destiny, the era which began on May 2002 was similarly embraced with courage and determination, albeit with uncertainties. A deep sense of pride and identity are what foment the strength of former colonised peoples. The conviction that ‘we too can make it’ sparks the latent resilience of human nature and provides the means to sustain the struggle to be free.  This does not, however, obviate the dilemma of how to respond to the hierarchy of needs. People need food, housing, schooling and medical assistance. Security and progress are also vital because unless the overall security environment is satisfactory, most of the other needs may not be met. 

Conscious of these needs and the interconnectedness of security and the well-being of the people, the leadership of the country adopted ‘national reconciliation’ as a strategic priority. For instance, reconciliation with the former occupying force, the Republic of Indonesia, and with Australia, are in the national interest. Australia was one of the key supporters of the illegal occupation of East Timor. It had given de juri recognition of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor, against all the provisions of international law. One reason behind Australia’s bold recognition was oil and gas, which Australia wanted to extract from the Timor Sea where Portugal, as the de juri administering power, had claimed ownership. Led by current Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, national reconciliation was pursued at all levels; and debates were begun about legal immunity for those who committed serious crimes in Timor-Leste. These were the members of the Indonesian military or TNI, and militias who enjoyed active support from the TNI during the occupation and soon after the result of the referendum were made known by the UN. The country moved forward with national reconciliation led by Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, first as the head of CNRT (Conselho Nacional da Resistência Timorense), and later from May 20, 2002, as the very first elected President; and since 2007 as Prime Minister.

National reconciliation was the strategic policy that enabled national stability, which, in turn, gave the newly established sovereign Nation-State the chance to consolidate its structures of governance and decision-making. The President of the Republic, the National Parliament, the Government and the Judiciary are the four pillars of sovereignty; and are, ultimately, charged with the responsibility to ensure the country moves on within an environment of ongoing peace and sustainable political, economic and social development. Being not only a new country, but also one where the majority of the population is made up of young people, beyond national stability, employment is the critical factor towards sustaining a peaceful and stable environment - necessary for the country to grow its economy for the benefit of the common good.

Since the early days of nationhood, the leadership saw the need to structure and develop the private sector of the country. This derives from the fact that the private sector, combined with foreign investment and effective partnerships with the Government, is what drives job creation. Because of this, the weaknesses of the private sector become a national challenge. During the tenure of the Fourth Constitutional Government (IVCG), support for the development of the private sector was focusing on establishing structures to support business creation and growth. Elections were held throughout the country to select people to establish and manage a new national body, the Chamber of Commerce and Industry.  It turned out that the rivalry between the leaders of the private sector saw two different business umbrella bodies emerging, making it not that easy to deal with representatives of the national private sector. Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, however, decided to be pragmatic and referred to both bodies as belonging to Timor-Leste, and deals with both of them to enhance the capacity of the private sector.

In the current Government, the Fifth Constitutional Government (VCG), still under the leadership of Prime Minster Xanana Gusmão, a Secretary of State has been specially charged with providing political and practical support to the development of the private sector, as the second phase of the development of this strategically key national sector. Another Secretary of State has also been charged with the responsibility of institutional strengthening or the targeted capacity building of Government institutions. The goal is to focus on the system, structure and organisation and human resources required to make institutions more responsive to the needs of the population, as well as governance and private sector requirements. 

Since 2011, the IVCG decided to concentrate on three major goals. The first one was food security; the second was service provision and the third was public administration professionalism. Food security was obviously a priority, because in 2007 the world faced a shortage of food supply. Timor-Leste, as a fledgling democracy living on subsistence agriculture risked becoming a victim of such a global crisis. A second concern was, the nexus between food security and national stability in a post-conflict environment, where institutions are still in their process of consolidation. Access to food supply enables families to sustain themselves and, therefore, to face the challenges of nation building. Lacking access to food supply weaken personal and national security. It follows from there that access to a reliable food supply does impact on how democracy can flourish and how the State can be built. As a consequence, freedom from hunger is now on top of the list of priorities and is the focus of a national and international campaign. This campaign, based on the Zero Hunger Challenge initiative was launched in Díli last January the 9th. It was a major event held in the Timorese National Parliament. The launch was jointly undertaken by Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, as President of the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and Pacific (UNESCAP) and Her Royal Highness, Princess Maha Chakri Sirindon from the Kingdom of Thailand. It focuses on malnutrition and improving governance in this area. Food insecurity has proved endemic in early post-colonial periods as former colonial powers generally made sure colonised peoples were not sufficiently fed and strong to challenge their power of oppression. Politically, ‘divide and conquer’ was the foundation of control. The colonial history of Timor-Leste was no different. The other side of the coin for freedom from hunger is access to food supply; and the next focus is on the nutritional quality of food.

As mentioned above, effective service provision was the second priority. The parameters of this priority range from efficiency in processing payments to the population, to the respect for the governance system by the people, which ultimately nurtures their trust in the institutions of their State. Effective service provision also allows for a more functional and productive private sector because the processes of company registration, taxation and execution of major projects can become more transparent and produce better results for the general population. In addition, payment of the subsidies to the elderly, the handicapped and veterans becomes more efficient as the service delivery of the State to meet the needs of the people improves. The elderly, for example, cannot stand in long queues for hours and cannot travel to the capital only to receive their monthly subsidy. The system has to go and reach them without requiring them to travel. The same applies to the handicapped. Efficient delivery of transfer payments ultimately contributes towards building the sense of dignity and harmony within families, particularly those in the rural areas. 

Professionalism in the public administration is a national goal and a long-term one. The apparatus of the public service was, to some extent, nurtured by public servants educated in the old system of Suharto’s Indonesia, whereby many of the public service leaders came from the same college for public service education. There was also the need for reform, with a particular emphasis on the reform of attitudes. The need for such a reform also derives from the fact that Timor-Leste has no history of independence as a sovereign country. Colonialism nurtures dependency, and frowns upon initiative and self-reliance. Changing attitudes means, in this context, becoming free from hand-outs, free from expecting most things to be done by others; and free from the excessive expectation that the Government and other countries can help us. And so, we must change our attitudes so that we strive for the highest productivity possible. In short, this equates to being in charge, taking control of one’s own destiny.  

Furthermore, professionalism of the public service, which bears ethical and discipline dimensions, inherently also means embracing and valuing the duty to serve and not to expect hand-outs from those who need your service. Serving the people, the customers, the private sector, the country as a whole, becomes your motive, your goal, the foundation of personal pride. It goes without saying that this professionalism will impact directly on service provision and efficiency in access to food supply as well. It should be noted that private sector professionalism is also required because more often than not, the private sector can stimulate corruption, which in general, can flourish in the area of customs and immigration services, ports, airports and taxation authorities. Therefore, public service professionalism impacts enormously on the efficient financial management of the State, with particular ramifications for national fiscal capacity.  Lacking such a professionalism means the country’s capacity to deliver services to its people is permanently compromised.   

However, in order to produce results in the above areas, one sine qua non condition is infrastructure. Without infrastructure, one cannot expect development of institutions and efficiency of the public service, regardless of patriotism or the quality of human resources. In 2009, the Government declared it was the year to kick-off the process of building infrastructure. A courageous and bold policy which many thought was a day-dream political move. To some extent, the skepticism was justified. One reason for skepticism was because the State was still dealing with problems relating to national security, including IDPs and the process of recovering the trust of the people in the National Police and the Defence Force.  In addition, less than a year before, on 11 February 2008, there was the attempt to kill the President of the Republic, Dr. José Ramos-Horta, who was badly wounded but survived; while a similar attempt was made against Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão. Lacking highly specialised expertise and skilled labor force may also have contributed to such skepticism. Nevertheless, by 2009, one can say that most of the factors affecting national security and stability were successfully addressed and overcome, thus creating the right condition for the country to embrace challenges of infrastructure development. 

The start of building basic infrastructure for the country could not wait any longer. If the country was to stimulate growth and national development, building better roads and bridges, providing electricity and potable water and sanitation were the basic conditions for success. Some even said that basic infrastructure development is the cornerstone of the success of Statebuilding; to some extent this is true. Without basic infrastructure, the trust in the nation’s ability to walk on its own feet can be derailed. Without basic infrastructure, the sense of pride of the majority of the population can be hindered. Without basic infrastructure, the quality of living conditions of the people cannot improve. And without basic infrastructure, sustained job creation will not be possible. Without infrastructure access to health service cannot be improved. Last but not least, without basic infrastructure, quality education, which is necessary to enhance national productivity, cannot be developed.     

In 2009, the IVCG also launched what was known as ‘pacote referendum’; a referendum package, named after the inspirational vote of the August 30, 1999, referendum, marking its tenth anniversary. It was meant to be a tool to instigate a sense of pride among the private sector at a local level, so that companies in the construction sector could show their ability to produce results for their respective local population. The coordinator of this package of construction projects and funding labeled this program as an important initiative to give an opportunity to the construction companies in the private sector to prove themselves.  It was acknowledged that while mistakes may be made, the companies could take responsibility for their work and stand up again to assume even greater responsibilities for the nation. ‘Pacote referendo’ was a bold and revolutionary move. It tested the grounds about transparency of governance and how this sacrosanct principle should be applied to post-conflict situations, particularly one like Timor-Leste which was subjected to war for almost a quarter of a century, before becoming free, independent and sovereign. Having an initiative such as the referendum package of construction projects directly managed by key company owners; and providing opportunities to reasonably established Timorese companies in many districts, brought about more trust in the system. Overall, up to eighty per cent of the projects were completed with satisfactory degree of quality. 

In the same year, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão started his work on the development of the national Strategic Development Plan. The country needed a matrix to guide its development decisions over the longer-term. The earlier plan that was instigated by the United Nations and the Planning Commission foresaw the need for a new plan in the future that responded to the emerging realities of the nation. The original plan was not, for all practical purpose, a strategic development plan; rather it was a vision of the future, which at the time of transition was a vital tool for Government to access approaches and begin to think about the expectations of the people and how best to manage them. Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão and his Ministry of Finance Emília Pires were key participants in the production of that vision for the future. What was needed, however, was not only an update of this important vision for the future, but a framework to further plan the key steps for the next 20 years in order to achieve an integrated development outcome for the country. Much of the expected initial elements for a strategic development plan were already included in the 2011 National Budget. For example, the proposed Fund for the Development of Human Capital and the Fund for Infrastructure were vital elements for the thinking towards a Strategic Development Plan. Strategic here means simply a plan which has long-term implications for the overall development of the country. Both funds were subsequently endorsed by the National Parliament and became legally established under the Law pertaining to the National Budget of 2011. 

The Strategic Development Plan, under the official title “Timor-Leste – Strategic Development Plan 2011 – 2030”, was endorsed by the National Parliament on 11 July, 2011. It was launched on the following day, during the Timor-Leste Development Partners Meeting (TLDPM) in Díli Convention Centre (DCC). At the launch, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão reminded the audience that the drafting of the Plan “was led by our people, belongs to our people and reflects the aspirations of our people”.  In the overview of the SDP, reference is made to continuity, as referred to earlier. It says:


“The Strategic Development Plan provides a vision for Timor-Leste that builds on the foundations we have laid down since 2002. It is informed by, and incorporates, the vision of the Timorese people in ‘Timor-Leste 2020, Our Nation Our Future’ which formed the basis of the 2002 National Development Plan. It also reflects the views of the thousands of Timorese people who contributed to the national consultation on the Summary Strategic Development Plan, From Conflict to Prosperity, in 2010. Ongoing consultation and the participation and solidarity of the Timorese people will be vital to the successful implementation of the Strategic Development Plan.” 

In his speech to the National Parliament, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão said that:

“In any evolving process, it is wise to never overlook the need for ongoing and realist analysis of the evolving conditions, its constraints and obstacles, as well as the small or big steps so far successfully undertaken. No analysis can be objective without taking into account these two levels of reality.”   


Participation of the people and objective analyses of the process were fundamental parameters. Being objective means being able to understand constraints and real obstacles for a plan to be successfully operationalise, with quality outcomes for the benefit of the people. Identifying the steps successfully taken so far is equal part of the objective analysis, but one needs to focus on the real obstacles for the successful implementation of any strategic plan, so planning can factor in these ways and means to mitigate these barrier as well as realistic approach to manage expectation. 

The rationale for the two funds was that, since infrastructure and human capital development require mid to long-term planning, it was not possible to achieve either of them properly if they were determined by a twelve-month budgeting cycle. Instead, there was a need to establish multi-annual funds so that the projects and plans could continue to be implemented year-after-year, without interruption because of the legal constraints inherent in the annual budget process. The National Parliament understood this and the majority voted in favour of establishing these two funds, which have been working well since. The approach was to centralise Government initiatives in these two areas so that the policies of each ministry converge within the funds and that, managed by respective secretariats, the focus would be on national needs, rather than the interest of each ministry independently of what happens in other parts of Government. This centralisation also allows for better evaluation of the funds’ performance and review of where the decision-making in these two vital areas is leading the country to. Hundreds of Timorese have already benefited from the Human Capital Fund and the national electricity grid also testifies to the success of both funds.


Another factor of interest has been the changing political landscape in Timor-Leste, which has became a phenomenon debated nationwide and beyond borders. This includes the shifting approach of opposition party Fretilin, which was harsh opposition in the previous Government of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão. During that time, of the IVCG, Fretilin positioned itself as an opaque and effective opposition to the policies of the Government. However, in the subsequent Government, both Fretilin and the VCG, decided to accommodate a political arrangement whereby opposition and Government converge in major policies of national interest. Such a convergence became consensual democracy, whereby both the Government and the opposition reach agreement on major issues pertaining to budgeting for the country, bearing in mind the long-term impact on national development as well as effectiveness in the delivery of programs of the annual governance. This process began at the end of 2012, becoming more visible during the 2013 budget debate, where the rationale for the development of cooperation in politics in Timor-Leste was articulated. Summing up, it was the beginning of a new paradigm of national politics, shifting from adversarial democracy to consensus democracy. 


The political system of Timor-Leste is different from the Westminster system. The Government and the Parliament are separate entities; autonomous institutions. Members of the Government are not members of the Parliament. The opposition has no statutory authority as a shadow government whereby respective ministers keep an eye on each other, funded by the State, and have the right to demand information and to be briefed on major issues. Nevertheless, a common feature is that the opposition is still the second major political party represented in the Parliament and, to some degree, is respected and expected to act as the opposition to the Government in Parliament. In addition, there is the post-conflict scenario. Within this scenario, there is a degree of fear of failure in governance and the threat of a return of instability if there is no success in tackling national challenges. One of the biggest challenges is job creation. Bearing in mind that Timor-Leste is a country where, according to the 2010 national census, there are 82.7 per cent of population under 39 years of age and only 4.9 per cent are sixty or above, creating jobs for this young generation is of paramount importance, if the country is to succeed in its difficult path towards consolidation of national independence.  


This new national political consensus was tagged by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão as ‘the new political conjuncture’. This means the opposition and the Government, as well as the four political parties represented in the Parliament work in concert to elevate the capacity of the country to produce better results. First, is budget execution; ensuring that the implementation of the projects of the national budget produce quality products. Secondly, governance is to occur in which better planning of programs of line ministries is ensured so that implementation processes can also lead toward better outcomes. Lastly, there is more cooperation between the Parliament and the Government, so that the needs of the Parliament for detailed information about matters the Parliament sees as vital to enhance the ability of the Members of the National Parliament to monitor the execution of the State budget. This means more regular interaction between the parliamentarians, within the Standing Committee and Plenary levels, with the relevant ministries, to enhance information sharing.


Does this consensus approach sacrifice democracy? Not necessarily. One reason is because, provided that there is a commitment of the parliamentarians to contribute towards better governance, enhancing information sharing of the parliamentarians improves transparency and responsibility. Governing is a learning process. Both sides – ministries and parliamentarians - can learn from each other and build a political environment whereby cooperation, rather than belligerency, occupies the democratic space. Secondly, the people of Timor-Leste, having suffered decades of war, prefer to see their leaders, including the political parties, behave in ways which reflects the national mood for democracy – one whereby consensus prevails, rather than publicly attacking each other, for the sake of political propaganda and short-term benefits. Thirdly, this political democratic approach can make the electoral landscape a leveling playing field whereby not only personalities can influence voters’ decisions, but also real programs and political maturity influences voters, particularly the undecided ones, on the voting day. Lastly, looking at the national or annual budget as one that belongs to all and not only to those with majority votes in the Parliament, brings about sharing responsibilities in the execution process.  The Government is responsible for the successes and failures of the execution of annual budget; but also, to some extent, this new political conjuncture makes the opposition also responsible - to some degree. In the end, it is about national unity processed through liberal democratic lenses; rather than one-only formula of national unity brought about because of civil war or imposed by other means.             


This new conjuncture, which some referred to as “incidência parlamentar”, parliamentary incidence, or, the occurrence of innovative politics, which may differ from liberal adversarial democratic behaviour guided by formal voting. This innovative political behaviour can be structured under the formula whereby commitment plus responsibility equals results with quality (C+R=R+Q). The Government which, in spite of benefiting from the majority of the votes in the Parliament, is committed to work with the opposition for the sake of, not only producing results for the country, but ensuring that the results have acceptable quality. In addition, the Government is obliged to acknowledge the need to improve the functionality of each ministry, referred to in Tétum as “hadia-uma-laran”. The purpose of this focus is to prepare each ministry to face the challenges of each subsequent year with preparedness to overcome the challenges and move the country forward. Ultimately, the overreaching goal is to protect national interest; that the interest of the State (country) ought to be upheld above all other interests, including those of political parties or groups. This need cannot be more acute when one understands that Timor-Leste is still under the developmental phase of Statebuilding, with complex challenges, which may hinder the capacity of the State to protect its own sovereignty.

 One of the key challenges is to understand hierarchy and to ensure responsibility is assigned to the person where it is due. This means understanding the details of the organic law establishing the hierarchy of the Government.  Another is to ensure efficient coordination within each ministry. And a third one is to understand all the existing laws and policies, as well as new laws about to be adopted to regulate governance; and to interact effectively with all relevant institutions, to ensure there are no unnecessary delays in the implementation of respective ministries’ budget. The fourth one is to humbly accept that the coalition, which is the majority in the Parliament, and which established the Government, cannot do it alone. The Government needs the opposition’s efforts to become more dynamic and effective. Last but not least, is the challenge of efficient inter-ministerial coordination. This requires in-depth understanding of the development programs of each ministry, what has been done so far and what remains to be done; and, moreover, whether quality results have been the outcome of what has been done.    

As mentioned above, protecting national interest and sovereignty is the central purpose for political undertakings embraced by major political forces. In Timor-Leste this means the political parties of CNRT and Fretilin. Both see the need to work together in a concerted manner so to avoid dispersion of energies and resources, especially when the country is facing serious challenges of consolidation. This concerted approach is not new in Timorese national politics. In 1975, Fretilin formed a coalition with its former rival party UDT, although this did not last long due to a number of factors, not least direct foreign interference. During the struggle against the illegal Indonesian occupation, both parties converged again, in an arrangement then known as ‘convergência nacionalista’ (nationalist convergence). This too did not last very long, but it helped to stop foreign interest in dividing the Timorese into opposing camps of rivals. Still, during the struggle for national liberation, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, conceived effective formulas to unite the people against a common enemy and succeeded; such as success made it possible for the people to vote in the August 30, 1999 referendum. Even after that vote, the country was struggling for unity, particularly, to bring into the camp of independence those who voted for integration. Xanana Gusmão, as the national leader, invested all his energies to bring them together, as he did during the last struggle for national liberation. Hence, this concerted politics now operating in the Parliament and between the opposition and Government, is well understood to be of national interest and will prevail.

The Strategic Development Plan (SDP) will benefit the most from this consensus. Arguing in the opposite direction, without this consensus, the SDP has no sufficient political oxygen to stay alive for long-term. By 2030, the SDP is expected to bring about the outcomes of the eradication of extreme poverty, the development of a strong private sector, a diversified non-oil economy and a healthy, well educated and prosperous population. As a result, Timor-Leste shall enjoy higher income, joining the ranks of upper middle income countries, with a sustainable economy. To get there, Timor-Leste is expected to invest in core infrastructure such as roads, bridges, water and sanitation, electricity and telecommunications. Seaports and airports will no longer condemn the shipping industry to bottlenecks. Rural development and agriculture reforms will help produce higher yields, a healthy market economy, and self-sufficiency in food. A strong private sector will emerge, as well as light industries based on culture and heritage and a thriving tourism sector; all these to be achieved by having an educated and skilled workforce.  Sixteen years to go, until 2030. By then, current leaders will not be in the political arena to ensure those outcomes. A new generation of leaders has to gradually come into the scene to provide such assurance. Timor-Leste has this new generation. Change is always needed in every country, whether developing or developed. Timor-Leste is no different; and it is ready to embrace change when change is due.


Díli, March 2014 

Publika iha Opiniaun

Dili, Tempo Semanál – Atu proteze riku soin povu Timor-Leste nian iha tasi laran,  estadu Timor-Leste presiza profunda relasaun di’ak ho nasaun vizinu hanesan Australia, Indonézia no Estadus Unidus Amérika ne’ebé desde tinan 2002 fó ona asistensia mai Timor-Leste liu husi koperasaun militar. 

Publika iha Seguransa Defesa

Tempo Semanal, 01/01/2014

Iha kalan bo’ot, ponteiru oras hahu daudaun hodi hafahe loron ikus tinan tuan 2013 ba loron dahuluk iha fulan primeiru tinan foun 2014, Primeiru Ministru V governu konstitusional, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao hato’o mensajen ba ema lubun bo’ot ne’ebe naresin iha resintu palaciu do Governu nia oin.

Publika iha Politika

15 July, 1997
Today I am writing to you about something special. My meeting with Nelson Mandela!
At 4 pm I was on the football field as there was a match scheduled against another block. It was to be a decisive match, since the winner would be included amongst the 4 top teams and would qualify for the championship finals.
As the umpire hadn’t appeared, I went to the front to call another of the prison officials to take his place. As I was attempting to locate the official, they came calling after me.

Publika iha Opiniaun

East Timor Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao has praised Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono role in transformed his country to a thriving and tolerant nation that celebrates its diversity with pride. The powerfull countries are using force to impose democracy in iraq and afganistan while they them.self facing financial crisis in usa and europe. Xanana also challenge the most demicratic country in pacific region over phpne surveilance.


Xanana also praised Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s contribution to building peace and reconciliation between his country with Indonesia. He explained, “Timor-Leste and Indonesia now enjoy the strongest of relationships. Together we have moved on from our difficult history, to build bonds of solidarity, trust and cooperation. We recognise that Timor-Leste not only shares an island with Indonesia, but that we also share a future and a commitment to democracy and the rights of our people.


Publika iha Opiniaun

Iha Loron Sexta (21/06) Loron Karaik tempu Jakarta Presidenti Timor Leste Taur Matan Ruak Hala’o ninia vizita estadu dahuluk ba Presidenti Republika Indonesia iha Istana Merdeka Jakarta hafoin tinan ida no fulan ida assume kargu xefe estadu Republika demokratika de Timor Leste.


Publika iha Nasional

Telkomcel Hetan Surpreza Bo’ot

DILI: Tuir orariu, Telkomcel Timor-Leste ofisialmente sei halo lansamentu bo’ot (grand launching) iha 13 de Marçu 2013.
Nu’udar grupu husi kompanhia bo’ot Telekomunikasaun Indonesia (Telin) nian, Telkomcel Timor-Leste distribui ona kartaun SIM (sim card) ne’ebé hetan susesu. “Ha’u nia laran kontenti, tanba hetan surpreza bo’ot husi povu Timor-Leste,” hatete CEO Telkomcel Timor-Leste, Dedi Suherman foin lalais ne’e iha Telkomcel Plaza, Dili.

Publika iha Ekonomia
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